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HomeOromiaTimes: Your Home for Up-to-date News from Oromia and Horn of Africa. Anaa dhufu! Dhaamssa yooqabaattan oromiatimes@gmail.com tti nuuf dabarsaa.Feb 5, 2007
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  • Ethiopian Oromo immigrants protest against Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi on Friday, May 18, 2012 in downtown Seattle. Human rights groups allege that Zenawi's government has shown discrimination against and repression of the Oromo people. In April, Oromo worshipers were killed at a mosque in Ethiopia by security forces loyal to the prime minister. The killings have sparked protest and outrage in the Ethiopian community. Photo: JOSHUA TRUJILLO / SEATTLEPI.COM
    Ethiopian Oromo immigrants protest against Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi on Friday, May 18, 2012 in downtown Seattle. Human rights groups allege that Zenawi's government has shown discrimination against and repression of the Oromo people. In April, Oromo worshipers were killed at a mosque in Ethiopia by security forces loyal to the prime minister. The killings have sparked protest and outrage in the Ethiopian community. Photo: JOSHUA TRUJILLO / SEATTLEPI.COM


 Source: http://www.seattlepi.com/local/slideshow/Ethiopian-immigrants-protest-prime-minister-43219.php


Activists urge Obama to be tough on Ethiopia PM over rights record at Camp David talks


ADDIS ABABA, Ethiopia — Rights groups are asking President Barack Obama to re-evaluate the U.S.-Ethiopia relationship over allegations the leader of the East African nation is becoming increasingly repressive.

The requests came just before Obama on Friday announced $3 billion in private-sector pledges to help feed Africa’s poor. The U.S. is a major contributor of aid to Ethiopia.

The Solidarity Movement for a New Ethiopia and the Oakland Institute asked Obama in a Thursday letter to “reassess the terms” of U.S. aid to Ethiopia during weekend talks with Prime Minister Meles Zenawi.

Meles is one of four African leaders invited to discuss food security at Camp David. The longtime leader has been accused of restricting freedoms and the media. Some in Ethiopia see him as a dictator.

The Committee to Protect Journalists said in a Wednesday letter to the White House it was concerned that Ethiopia had charged 11 independent journalists under sweeping anti-terror laws.

“Since 2011, under the guise of a counterterrorism sweep, the government of Ethiopia has brought terrorism and anti-state charges against 11 independent journalists, including blogger Eskinder Nega, who may face life in prison for his writing about the struggle for democracy,” CPJ Executive Director Joel Simon said in the letter. “Such policies deter reporting on all sensitive topics, including food security.”

CPJ called on Obama to “encourage Prime Minister Meles to end his repressive practices.”

Meles was invited along with John Atta Mills of Ghana, Jakaya Kikwete of Tanzania and Yayi Boni of Benin to represent Africa at hunger talks on the eve of a G8 summit. Meles seized control of the Horn of Africa country in a 1991 coup and has ruled longer than the combined terms of the other three.

The Solidarity Movement for a New Ethiopia and the Oakland Institute also urged Obama to press Meles on what they say is forcible relocation of people in a government program to lease land to foreign investors.

“By continuing to provide huge amounts of aid to Ethiopia, the U.S. is in partnership with a repressive regime that puts large-scale agricultural investment and for-profit access to Ethiopia’s fertile lands over the well-being and land rights of indigenous and local people,” the groups said in a joint letter.

A January report by Human Rights Watch accused Ethiopia’s government of forcibly resettling about 70,000 people in the country’s western Gambella region.

The Ethiopian government denied the allegation, saying people are being relocated to places where there is access to secure water points, health facilities, schools, and fertile farmland.

Under Meles, Ethiopians have enjoyed relative stability and steady economic growth. But some critics say this growth has come at the expense of democracy and good governance.

The U.S. has rarely criticized Meles, a key ally in the war on terror in the Horn of Africa.

Meles has long insisted economic growth can be accomplished without practicing Western-style democracy.

“There is no direct relationship between economic growth and democracy, historically or theoretically,” he told the World Economic Forum in Ethiopia last week. “I don’t believe in bedtime stories, contrived arguments linking economic growth with democracy.”

Copyright 2012 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.

Source


Kora Kutaa
Giddu Galeessa Awurooppaa 2012
Holand (the Netherlands)
13.07.2012 - 14.07.2012



For more information, stay tuned!

Obama Urged to Reassess Ethiopian Relations Over Land Evictions

The U.S. should reassess its support for the government of Ethiopia, amid concern that more than half a million people are being evicted to make land available for foreign investment in agriculture, advocacy groups including the Oakland Institute said.

A meeting tomorrow between President Barack Obama and Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, among other African leaders, presents an opportunity for the U.S. to address the issue, the California-based group said in a joint statement with the Solidarity Movement for a New Ethiopia, or SMNE. The U.S. has provided aid worth more than $1 billion a year since 2007 to Ethiopia, according to the statement.

Foreign investment in commercial farming may be the “single largest man-made contributor to food insecurity on the continent today,” they said. “We hope that you will take leadership in responding to an international call asking you to put the brakes on this impending and present-day catastrophe.”

Ethiopia, Africa’s second-most populous nation, is leasing out land to investors to grow cash crops and generate foreign exchange. The government leased 350,096 hectares (865,106 acres) of land to 24 companies, including 10 foreign ones, according to the Agriculture Ministry’s website. Oakland puts the amount of leased land at 3.6 million hectares.

The government denies any connection between land leasing and resettlement programs. The relocation of about 20,000 households in the southwestern Gambella region last year was voluntary and aimed at providing people with access to farmland and public services, Federal Affairs Minister Shiferaw Teklemariam said in an interview in March.

Ambassador Criticized

Oakland and SMNE criticized U.S. Ambassador to Ethiopia Donald E. Booth, citing him as saying people in Gambella benefit from the government’s policies.

“Mr. Booth seems unwilling to acknowledge any of the abuse, violence, or coercion that human rights groups and the media have reported,” they said. The U.S. Embassy in Ethiopia is awaiting approval from Washington for its response to the statement, Diane Brandt, a spokeswoman for the embassy, said by phone today from Addis Ababa.

SMNE, which has branches in the U.K., the U.S. and Canada, advocates “rule of law, respect for human rights, equal opportunity and good governance” in Ethiopia, according to its website. The group’s executive director, Obang Metho, is being tried in absentia in Ethiopia for terrorism.

Horizon Plantations, an Ethiopian company majority owned by Saudi billionaire Mohamed al-Amoudi, criticized Oakland’s association with SMNE. Horizon has leased 20,000 hectares in Ethiopia’s western region of Benishangul-Gumuz to grow groundnuts for edible oil.

“All of the land being given to international investors is the land which is not developed at all,” Horizon General Manager Jemal Ahmed said in a phone interview. “Oakland Institute does not care for Ethiopia. They are doing their best to stop the development taking place by allying themselves with violent and hate-advocating diaspora opposition.”

To contact the reporter on this story: William Davison in Addis Ababa via Nairobi at pmrichardson@bloomberg.net.

Source: Bloomberg


Blog EntryMay 18, '12 4:59 AM
for everyone

It is believed the Ethiopian ancestors of today’s Oromo tribe were the first to discover the energizing effect of the coffee bean. (Courtesy of cafedonpaco.com)

Study: Drinking Coffe may lengthen Life

By ICTMN Staff

Drinking a cup of java three times daily may decrease your risk of dying from common causes.

A new study reveals older adults who consume three or more cups of either caffeinated or decaffeinated coffee daily are 10 percent less likely to die from cardiovascular disease, respiratory illness, stroke, diabetes, infections, and injuries and accidents, than those who drink no coffee, according to a U.S. National Cancer Institute study of 402,260 men and women at 50 to 71 years of age, reported HealthDay News.

This particular study shows no link between caffeine and coffee’s benefits. Caffeine was actually discovered by the Ethiopian ancestors of today’s Oromo tribe, which today claims 30 million members—the single largest ethnicity in Ethiopia at roughly 34.49 percent of the population, according to the 2007 census. The Ethiopians were the first to point out the energizing effect of the native coffee plant, states the book The World of Caffeine: The Science and Culture of the World’s Most Popular Drug.

The study, published in the May 17 edition of the New England Journal of Medicine—the largest ever done on this issue—observed the dietary habits of adults participating in the National Institutes of Health-AARP Diet and Health Study between 1995 and 1996. Researchers tracked their coffee intake and health until 2008 or death (by then, 52,000 participants had died).

The study authors did not determine what ingredient in coffee is linked to its health benefits, nor did they establish a cause-and-effect relationship.

The team tried to examine coffee’s association with health isolated from other factors. For instance, on average, coffee drinkers smoke more than non-coffee drinkers, noted study lead author Neal Freedman, an investigator with the division of cancer epidemiology and genetics at the U.S. National Cancer Institute in Rockville, Maryland. ”And so when we first looked at the association, we found that coffee drinkers actually faced a higher risk of death, and it was only when we discounted smoking that we found the reverse relationship.”

In addition, coffee drinkers tend to drink more alcohol, eat more red meat and exercise less than noncoffee-drinkers, reported News-Leader.com.

Coffee preparation also requires further exploration, Freedman explained: “Because a lot of people like drip coffee, but others have espresso or French press. And the beans can be roasted to different amounts. And each of these choices affects the compound. And we don’t know whether this affects the association with disease as well.”


Read more:http://indiancountrytodaymedianetwork.com/2012/05/17/study-drinking-coffee-may-lengthen-life-113665 http://indiancountrytodaymedianetwork.com/2012/05/17/study-drinking-coffee-may-lengthen-life-113665#ixzz1vDoZJRlw

Oromo Community Organization’s Appeal Letter to President Obama on the Growing Repression and Human Rights Violations by the Ethiopian Government

May 16, 2012

His Excellency Barack Obama
President of the United States of America
The White House
1600 Pennsylvania Avenue NW
Washington, DC 20500

Subject: Oromo Community Organization’s Appeal Letter to President Obama on the Growing Repression and Human Rights Violations by the Ethiopian Government

Dear Mr. President Barack Obama:

I am writing this appeal letter on behalf of the Oromo Community Organization (OCO) of the Washington DC Metropolitan Area to express my deep concern about Human Rights Violations against Oromos and other Ethiopian people by the Ethiopian Government. OCO is a non-profit community organization established in 1988 to assist Oromos who came to the United States to smoothly transition, integrate, and become productive citizen in the United States of America. The Oromo people constitute the single largest national group in Ethiopia and the Horn of Africa. Despite this, Oromos are subjected to indiscriminate killings, imprisonments and torture pursued by the successive Ethiopian regimes.

Violation of human rights under the present Ethiopian government

The current Ethiopian regime’s gross human right violations and inhuman acts against the Oromo people have been well documented by many International and regional human rights organizations including Amnesty International, Human Right Watch and Human Rights League of the Horn of Africa (HRLHA).

International human rights organizations have reported routinely the Ethiopian government’s gross violations of human rights during the last twenty years. Such human rights violations include extrajudicial killings, arrest, torture and disappearance, violating Oromo human rights through actions such as unjustly imprisoning Oromo civilians, pitting ethnic and religious groups against each other as a means of remaining in power in Ethiopia, and coordinating abductions in third countries as well as evicting Oromo farmers. These atrocities are affecting the Oromos more than any other groups in the country because the regime fears the potential political power of the Oromo people as they constitute the single largest national group in Ethiopia. According to a recent Human Rights League of the Horn of Africa’s (HRLHA) report, the Ethiopian Government’s interference into religious affairs beginning in February, 2012 has widespread particularly in the central and southern parts of the country, four Muslim Oromo worshipers in Gadab Asasa town of Oromia have been confirmed killed by armed government forces and hundreds of others have ended up in prisons (HRLHA report, May 13, 2012).

Amnesty International has also indicated in its recent report that the scale of arrests and prosecutions in Ethiopia has reached a new level of repression. For example, thousands of Oromo students have been expelled from various colleges and universities and many have been imprisoned, tortured and killed. Also, the Human Rights League Horn of Africa’s (HRLHA) report of May 12, 2011 indicates the fact that the Ethiopian regime has intensified mass abductions and imprisonments on Oromo students and civic organization leaders. This report also indicates that over 30 students have been detained from various universities and the trend continued unmitigated since then. Another report compiled by the National Youth Movement for Freedom and Democracy, Qeeroo, also indicates that many Oromo students have been arrested and detained from April 2011 to the end of March 2012.

The Human Right Watch and Amnesty International have also documented many facts about Ethiopian Government’s use of anti-terror law to throttle peaceful dissent. The international community should ask the Ethiopian regime why it is using this law to crack down on peaceful independent voices and the regime should not be allowed to terrorize its own people under the pretext of anti-terrorism. These are clear indications that the Ethiopian regime is waging a war against free press and God given right. A recent arrest of two Swedish journalists clearly indicates the Ethiopian regime’s views on free journalism. According to CNN report, the two journalists were charged and convicted of supporting “Terrorism” for working on a story in the restive Ogaden region. The Ethiopian regime has also continued targeting Oromo civic leaders and organizations. For example, the Ethiopian government has banned the Macha Tulama Self Help Association. The July 12, 2011’s report of the Human Rights League Horn of Africa (HRLHA) provides names of Oromo professionals abducted by the Ethiopian government.

Land grab and displacement of indigenous peoples from their farmlands

Although one in 10 Ethiopians is going hungry, the government of Prime Minister Meles Zenawi is leasing about four million of hectares of the most fertile land mainly from Oromia, Gambela and other pasturelands in Ethiopia to foreign investors from India, China, and Saudi Arabia. This policy is forcibly displacing millions of indigenous peoples from their ancestral lands without proper compensation. The evidence provided by researchers show that Ethiopia’s most productive farmland leased to foreign companies are growing food and bio fuel crops for export while millions of the indigenous people are starving. Under the current system the peasants were not only denied their right to land ownership but also the right to use it, and land grabbing is not only a policy of dispossession but mainly that of eviction. Evidence also shows that large scale land lease for commercial farming by the Ethiopian regime has devastating effects on the environment and the country’s water resources.

Use of development and humanitarian aid for political repression:

Ethiopia is the largest recipient of both humanitarian and development aid in Sub-Saharan Africa. According to the BBC Investigative journalist and many independent reports, the Ethiopian regime uses these aids as tools for political repression. Human Rights Watch’s 2010 report indicates that because of the hostility of the Ethiopian regime toward the international media and human rights groups, it is increasingly becoming difficult to fully scrutinize and report on how the country is handling food and development aid.

Dear Mr. President

As I have indicated above, I am writing this appeal letter to your Excellency to bring to your attention gross human right violations and sufferings of the Oromos and other Ethiopians under the current Ethiopian government. Our series of appeal letters to your Excellency documented the brutality and tyranny of the Ethiopian government against Oromos and other Ethiopian peoples. Unless there is a credible pressure from the United States and other Western donor nations, these repressive and gross human right violations will continue by the Ethiopian regime. We hope that your administration will exert pressure on the Ethiopian government to end growing repression and escalating human rights violations in Ethiopia. I sincerely believe your administration has significant political and economic leverage to affect the conduct of governance in Ethiopia now. The current Ethiopian regime presents itself as a critical ally in that volatile region of Africa against global terrorism. However, a government that is terrorizing its own people and rules by tyranny cannot be a long term strategic and dependable ally.

I, therefore, kindly call up on your administration & all branches of your government to use all diplomatic and economic levers to end growing repression and escalating human rights violations in Ethiopia in general and in Oromia in Particular. Also, I sincerely urge you to put pressure on the Ethiopian government to:
• End extrajudicial killings and arrests.
• End targeting Oromo culture and indigenous religions.
• Stop interference in to religious affairs.
• Release all political prisoners, unlawfully detained students, civic leaders and professionals.
• Stop the displacement of peasants and pastoralists from their homes.
• Stop illegal lease and sale of farm lands and pasturelands belonging to the Oromo and other indigenous peoples to local and foreign land grabbers.
• Stop Ethiopian government from using the anti-terrorism law to terrorize its own people under the pretext of anti-terrorism.
• Commit to respect the human rights of the Oromos and other people in Ethiopia and allow freedom of expression and assembly.
I greatly appreciate your attention to this very important matter.

Respectfully,

Desta Yebassa, PhD.
Oromo Community Organization (OCO) Board President


Press Advocates: Obama Should Talk Freedom at G8


Ricci Shryock
Press freedom advocates are calling for President Barack Obama to address limitations on journalists who report on food insecurity when he meets with four African leaders at the G8 Summit on Saturday.

The group is set to discuss solutions to food crises on the continent. But Mohamed Keita, the Africa Advocacy Coordinator for the Committee to Protect Journalists, said government censorship is part of the problem. 


“We believe that such practices harm the domestic and international response to such crises and ultimately undermine the ability of everyone to assist millions starving,” Keita said.


Mr. Obama will hold a working lunch with the presidents of Ghana, Tanzania, and Benin, as well as the prime minister of Ethiopia, during the summit at the Camp David presidential retreat in the U.S.


Keita said Tanzania, Ghana and Benin “are countries where the press is relatively free to operate. They are not working under intense censorship. They are not denied access to sensitive areas.”


But he said the situation in Ethiopia is different. He said the government there has been guilty of hindering reporting on past and present food crises. 


“Ethiopia is continually affected by drought and food crises and unfortunately the government prevents journalists access to sensitive areas,” Keita said. “They are prevented from using the word famine when they report about these crises. They are ​​
Okule Buli helps her five-year old daughter Jamila sit up in her bed in the Intensive Care Unit of a medical center run by Medecins Sans Frontiers in Kuyera, Ethiopia, 02 Sep 2008 (File photo AFP)
​​prevented from taking photographs of obviously malnourished children.”

​​“This has an impact on the ability of aid groups to scramble to raise funds to assist” in a timely manner, he added.


Keita acknowledged Ethiopia has made economic strides in reducing poverty and improving infrastructure, but he said hunger remains a chronic problem. And he said government statistics about food insecurity and hunger cannot be relied upon.


Since 2011, the Ethiopian government has used its sweeping anti-terrorism laws to bring charges against 11 journalists.

Blog EntryMay 14, '12 5:52 AM
for everyone
Ethiopia: HRLHA Urgent Action and Appeal 
PUBLIC 13 May, 2012   
Violent and Deadly Crackdowns against Worshipers in Ethiopia

The Human Rights League of the Horn of Africa (HRLHA) strongly condemns the Ethiopian Government’s interference into religious affairs and its heavy-handedness against Muslim communities in various parts of the country.

In this religion-based and allegedly government-sponsored violence that openly started around the beginning of February, 2012 and has widespread particularly in the central and southern parts of the country, four people have been confirmed to have been killed by armed government forces,(Musa Gabi 13, student of local madrasa (religious) school, Kamal Irena 60, tailor, Aliyi Waqo 40, peasant, and Shafi Jano Tufa 40; daily laborer)  while hundreds of others have ended up in prisons. The four dead, who were from the Gadab Asasa locality of Arsi Zone in Southern Oromia Region, and the killing happened on the 6th of April, 2012 when a very huge crowd of Muslim worshipers where met with well-armed government security forces in front of a local mosque following a Friday “Jum’a” prayer.
According to local sources, the violence is resulting from direct and indirect clashes between two contesting forces prior to the upcoming elections of the Counsel of Islamic Affairs at all administrative levels throughout the country. Sources add that, based on the lessons they learnt the hard way in the past twenty years, the majority of the Muslim communities of the country are fighting for the freedom and independence of religious affairs from the government; while the ruling part is struggling to ensure the continuity of its control and monopoly over all aspects of the lives of citizens including religion.

 To this end, it is said that the ruling party has allegedly imported its own Islamic sect known as “Al-Ahbash” or “the Habashis”; and through this sect, has already infiltrated institutions like mosques and madrasas (Islamic religious school).

It is now the members and supporters of this Islamic sect known as “Al-Ahbash” that is said to have been behind all sorts of instigations of the current violence, for example, providing unfounded information and/or giving names of the potential candidates and supporters of independent religious affairs  elections.

 In a document obtained by the HRLHA, from a local mosque in a small rural town of Waliso alone, the names of 67 individuals who were described as members and/or supporters of alleged terrorist organizations, have been signed and submitted on April 29, 2012 by the local mosque official, Takele Anisa Tulu, to the South Showa zone (Waliso) administrative and intelligence office to be dealt with in some ways and prevented from being an obstacle to the ruling party’s winning the election. Ironically, it has been confirmed from the same document which submitted to intelligence office, all those alleged members and/or supporters of terrorist organizations were either local religious leaders, civilian, government employees, students, and teachers or principals and administrators of local religious school. Asked by an MP about the widely spread religious violence during a parliamentary discussion last week, Prime Minister Meles Zenawi answered that his government has located what is termed as “an Alqa’ida Cell” in southern part of the country, in Oromia regional state, and that they would be dealt with harshly.

The HRLHA is highly concerned that this violence is wide spreading from day to day, and is engulfing almost all parts of the country, adding to the chronic socio-economic and political instabilities that the country has been caught in for the past twenty years. This is also a good reminder of TPLF/EPRDF’s typical behaviors during parliamentary election times.
The HRLHA calls up on the Ethiopian TPLD/EPRDF lead government to immediately refrain from interfering in religious affairs of the citizens of the country in violation of the religious freedoms provided in the country’s constitution  of 1995 Article 11/3 which states “ The state shall not interfere in religious matters and religion shall not interfere in state affairs”.  And the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, Article 18/1,2 which states (“ 1. Everyone shall have the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion. This right shall include freedom to have or to adopt a religion or belief of his choice, and freedom, either individually or in community with others and in public or private, to manifest his religion or belief in worship, observance, practice and teaching. 2.  No one shall be subject to coercion which would impair his freedom to have or to adopt a religion or belief of his choice”). Which Ethiopia is signatory since 1993

HRLHA also calls up on local, regional, and international diplomatic and religious communities and agencies to join hands in condemning such deadly acts of violence by the Ethiopian government, and demanding its immediate halt. HRLHA also calls up on the international communities and civic organizations to bring their voices together in requesting the immediate and unconditional release of the thousands of Muslim worshipers who have been detained since the eruption of this violence.

HRLHA has managed, through its local correspondents; to obtain the names of the following alleged members and/or supporters of terrorist organizations submitted to the South Showa zone (Waliso) administrative and intelligence office on April 29, 2012 by the local mosque official together with some details of their situations.

Click here to read full urgent action of HRLHA May 2012 (names of the alleged members and/or supporters of terrorist organizations submitted to the South Showa zone (Waliso) administrative and intelligence office on April 29, 2012 by the local mosque official together with some details of their situations)

Attachment: HRLHA__UA_May_2012.pdf

Blog EntryMay 14, '12 4:13 AM
for everyone

Expel the AU from Ethiopia

By George Ayittey

Ethiopia is a police state, where journalists are branded as “terrorists” and jailed – over 200 so far. It has only ONE national radio station, ONE national television station, ONE national daily for 83m people, ONE internet server. Private broadcasts are JAMMED.

PM Meles Zenawi turned out to be worse than the brutal dictator, Col Mengistu he ousted back in 1991. Zenawi practices ethnic (Tigrayan) apartheid. #Ethiopia

He rigged the 2005 elections. When people protested, security forces killed over 500, injured 800+ and arrested over 40,000.

Same thing happened in 2010 elections, where Zenawi’s party won 96.4% of the vote. The opposition won just one seat in the 547-seat parliament.

And Ethiopia is the country where the African Union keeps its headquarters in Addis Ababa, from where it preaches democracy and freedom of expression to the rest of Africa? A country that violates every tenet of the AU’s Charter on Human and Peoples Rights?

Article 9 of the AU’s own Charter guarantees FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION. Protests are a form of freedom of expression. http://bit.ly/Jhedhv What’s the point of having an organization that CANNOT enforce its own rules or charter?

A den of kleptocrats and dictators, the AU can’t even define “democracy.” There is no election in Africa that it doesn’t like; all are “free and fair.”

Name one crisis the AU has been able to resolve without appealing for international aid. Congo? Libya? Somalia? Sudan? Zimbabwe?

In Sudan, when AU troops came under sustained rebel assault in Haskanita near Darfur, in Oct 2007, they FLED – like the Malian soldiers.

Ethiopians should end this tomfoolery and buffoonery. OCCUPY the new AU Headquarters built by China and SHUT IT DOWN – until ALL journalists and political prisoners are released before the next AU Summit in June.

The expulsion of the AU from Ethiopia would be the GREATEST SERVICE Ethiopians can do for Africa – comparable to the great achievements of Nkrumah and Mandela.

The expulsion will shake the very foundations of kleptocracy and dictatorship across Africa and spark the SECOND LIBERATION of Africa.

Ethiopia’s PM Zenawi gets a cool $2+bn in Western aid as an “ally in the war on terrorism.” Too fatuous. Does the West ever learn? #Ethiopia

Zenawi couldn’t find enough terrorists in Somalia, so he turned on journalists and critics, labeling them “terrorists.” Paranoia and hallucination have set in.

Unless Ethiopians kick out the AU, their future will remain bleak. In the past half CENTURY, Ethiopia has had just 3 heads of state: Selassie, Mengistu and Zenawi. The first two were removed from office VIOLENTLY – military coup and rebel insurgency. How do you think Zenawi, after 21 years in power via rigged elections, will be removed from power?

The wise learn from the mistakes of others while fools repeat them. Idiots, on the other hand, repeat their own stupid mistakes.

Source: Ethiopian Review


A vortex of climate change and rising population threatens Ethiopia’s gains in feeding itself

By Carl Neustaedter, The Ottawa Citizen

Ethiopians from the township of Feji Goba pick up bags of maize they receive through an emergency food assistance program in Shashemene, Ethiopia, after prolonged droughts affected their crops. The relief program is funded by the Canadian Foodgrains Bank and its partners, February 3, 2012.
 

Ethiopians from the township of Feji Goba pick up bags of maize they receive through an emergency food assistance program in Shashemene, Ethiopia, after prolonged droughts affected their crops. The relief program is funded by the Canadian Foodgrains Bank and its partners, February 3, 2012.

Photograph by: Carl Neustaedter , The Ottawa Citizen

SHASHEMENE, Ethiopia — Abdala Wahilo finds relief from the midday sun under the corrugated metal roof of a warehouse in Shashemene, a town not far from the farm where he tries to support a family of 12 on a single hectare of land. Here, at this emergency food aid distribution centre, he also finds some relief from the hunger that his family has faced in the last few years as repeated droughts have ravaged this region in southern Ethiopia.

“We don’t want aid,” he says, waving at the wall of maize bags and plastic jugs of cooking oil that will provide basic rations to his family and more than 26,000 other people in the area. “We want to work and support ourselves.”

But without aid, his children eat at most twice a day and he and his wife only once, so Abdala says he’s thankful for the help. And he’s seen what happens without it: Last year, when the worst drought in decades hit, so many people in this area became malnourished that feeding centres were set up for children and pregnant women. To survive the past few years, he also had to sell most of his livestock, which had produced milk and butter he sold to raise money for food and school fees. Some of his children had to suspend their studies.

A vortex of population growth, land scarcity and a changing climate has wrenched Shashemene and much of densely populated south-central Ethiopia from an area that produced food surpluses less than a decade ago to a place where food aid is regularly needed. But the country as a whole has made steady progress in reducing poverty and blunting the impact of droughts since the devastating famine of 1984. And, at eight per cent, it has one of the highest economic growth rates in Africa, if not the world.

Still, there’s much more to do. After all, Ethiopia ranks 174th of 187 on the UN’s human development index, which measures income, education and life expectancy. It’s one of the world’s top aid recipients, and around a tenth of its people, like Abdala, needs some kind of food assistance each year.

Asked if getting a handout hurts his pride, Abdala pauses, then says: “I am happy because my children aren’t starving.”

And with that, he hoists a 50-kilogram bag of maize on his back and heads out of the warehouse, back into the dusty lot where hundreds of others await their ration, back into the hot February sun that he prays will give way soon to the spring rains.

Ethiopia is a frustrating paradox to its many western aid donors, including Canada, which put more than $176 million into development projects here in 2011.

On the one hand, the regime is often in the headlines for jailing members of opposition parties and journalists — it’s not surprising it won all but one of 546 seats in the last election two years ago — and, more recently, for a Human Rights Watch report condemning the relocation of tens of thousands of citizens to allow Chinese and Indian companies to set up massive commercial farms to produce export crops. On the other hand, many aid groups laud the government for a commitment to poverty reduction that is far greater than many African countries.

“In Ethiopia, you actually see a government … that’s committed to try and make a difference,” says Jim Cornelius, director of the Canadian Foodgrains Bank, an aid and development agency that’s worked in Ethiopia since the 1984 famine. “A lot of progress has been made in the country.”

The most obvious sign of progress is that droughts and other “shocks” like food price spikes no longer cause full-blown famines — there’s hunger, yes, but not death on the grand scale that burned itself into our collective consciousness in 1984. There’s now an early-warning system for food crises, and Ethiopia’s Productive Safety Net Program creates public works projects to help more than seven million chronically vulnerable people. From road repairs to terracing and replanting the country’s eroded hillsides, at-risk farmers work in exchange for food or the cash to buy it. (To avoid dependency on handouts the Ethiopian government stipulates that, except in emergencies, food aid is never given without work in return.) When drought hits areas not covered by the program, emergency aid kicks in. Last year, 3.2 million Ethiopians got emergency food aid to supplement their own reserves.

The paradox of repression and development stems from the same source: The regime’s almost total control over its citizens and the economy. From the control of land tenure — citizens cannot buy or sell land — to the distribution of seeds and fertilizer, the government reaches deeply into the lives of most Ethiopians. Once ruled by an emperor who controlled all the land, then by a highly centralized communist regime in the 1970s and ’80s, the country’s current government, led by longtime Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, models itself on the highly controlled state capitalism of China, its biggest trading partner.

Meles, heading to Camp David next week at U.S. President Barack Obama’s invitation, will be one of four African leaders discussing food security with G8 leaders. Although he’s reviled as a despot by his detractors, he gets a lot of slack from western donors and allies because he runs a safe and stable country amid the chaos of Somalia to the east and the warring Sudans to the west.

As the World Economic Forum in Addis Ababa wrapped up on Friday, aid activist and Irish pop star Bob Geldof urged Prime Minister Meles to be more inclusive and tolerant of civil society groups. "If they keep saying 'you can't write anything critical,' they're in trouble," Geldof said. "Have them participate, allow the pressure valve to come off."

More than $3.5 billion (U.S.) in aid rolled into Ethiopia last year, but it’s buying less and less influence with the Meles regime, which plays geopolitics to its advantage.

“The weight of development aid in terms of influence on the Ethiopian government has been decreasing and has been on the wane for a number of years,” says Nicolas Moyer of the Humanitarian Coalition, a network of five major Canadian aid and development agencies that works in Ethiopia and around the world. “The increasing presence of Chinese investments on the private sector side has largely decreased the influence of the development donors on the Ethiopian government’s thinking and strategy.”

The Ethiopian government may hold most of the cards in controlling the country’s destiny, but with it comes the responsibility of feeding 90 million people.

Driving south from Addis Ababa to the country’s most densely populated areas, that challenge comes into sharp focus.

The smooth, black highway that cuts through the dry season’s palette of dusty browns and beiges is lined with Ethiopians on foot, carrying water in bright yellow jerry cans or driving heavily laden carts pulled by stoic donkeys. What’s missing here? Trucks carrying goods and raw materials, the stuff of commerce. That, says Cornelius, shows how little economic activity there is here beyond farming. Not only does this limit Ethiopians’ ability to work off the farm for extra income in bad times, he says, it limits their diet to what they can grow themselves since many can’t afford to buy other types of food. And in the big picture, it means that as the population grows and everyone’s parcel of land gets smaller, there isn’t enough opportunity for farmers, much less their children.

“We have to do something about moving people from the land to livelihoods that may still be related to an agrarian economy,” says Foodgrains Bank field representative Sam Vander Ende, who’s lived in Ethiopia for more than 18 years. “But the peasant livelihood isn’t going to get us there.”

The highway winds past a vast greenhouse complex, more than two kilometres long in all, where up to 10,000 day labourers are employed growing roses for European markets. It’s evidence of the government’s recent, and controversial, push for large scale commercial agriculture that brings in much needed foreign currency.

Still, the vast majority of people remain on the land. The poorest families in south-central Ethiopia subsist on less than a hectare of land — many on much, much less.

Thomas Tora, a farmer in the Damot Woyde area, has only an eighth of a hectare (about the size of an NHL hockey rink) on which to support his family of six. Even in a good year, that’s not enough to feed everyone. Last year’s drought left his children malnourished to the point that they couldn’t stand up, he says, much less go to school — which he couldn’t afford anyway. He left his village to gather wood to sell in an effort to make ends meet. Eventually the Foodgrains Bank and its local partners set up a relief program, and a government food-for-work program also assisted him and thousands of nearby villagers in the same situation.

Asked if he would move to an area with more or better land, Thomas, shakes his head under a tattered ball cap. “I am too weak to go,” he says, explaining that he has health problems. But among his neighbours there’s wary enthusiasm for resettlement.

“Everyone would be willing to go,” says Zewdie Zebdewos, the chairman of the local township where Thomas lives. “But they are worried about the land and about malaria.” Many people here live higher up in the hills where malaria can’t stalk their children or their livestock. Arable land in low-lying areas often goes unfarmed.

Resettlement of any kind, large or small, is a hot button topic. Beyond the current controversy over accusations of forced resettlements, memories of the former communist regime’s disastrous mass relocations are as close as the tractors rusting on abandoned collective farms. Canada — and many other western donors — won’t fund anything tied to resettlement efforts or commercial farming.

But there is a recognition that something has to be done to deal with the scarcity of land in densely populated places if Ethiopia is to become self-sufficient.

“The country does need to be looking at how it can develop its land, and it should be making land available to those who don’t have lands,” says Cornelius of the Foodgrains Bank. “The critical thing is that it’s voluntary and there does need to be accompanying services provided to make it viable.”

Too often, he says, people have been resettled to areas with insufficient roads, schools and health care.

With land tenure firmly in the government’s control, migration to cities has also been held firmly in check, observes Moyer of the Humanitarian Coalition.

“The current system keeps rural populations in rural areas,” he says. “If you did open up land title, then land would start to be sold and more families would start to move to cities.” The government prefers slow urbanization, adds Moyer, who lived in Ethiopia for three years. It wants to avoid the experience of other developing countries where migration spawned slums, dire poverty and crime.

With such limited mobility, Ethiopians have few options.

“You have a huge, burgeoning population of people who don’t feel they have any control over their destiny,” observes Vander Ende. “It’s in the hands of God, it’s in the hands of the federal government, it’s in the hands of the local government … it’s in the hands of (aid agencies like) Canadian Foodgrains Bank.”

“Ethiopia struggles with promoting small-scale and community-led development where Ethiopians could set up small businesses, improve their farming practices and be part of the solutions themselves,” says Moyer. “Ethiopians don’t feel part of the solution. The state has always been the source of their livelihood.”

Explore Aid online: The new Canadian International Development Platform tracks Canada's aid in the developing world. Find data and analysis on who's spending, who's receiving and for what at cidpnsi.ca.

A few hours’ drive from Shashemene’s travails, the farmers in a small township in the Kutcha district do feel part of the solution to chronic food shortages.

In fact, they no longer need food aid.

The villagers in Dana resettled here voluntarily in the dying days of the communist era, three ethnic groups speaking three languages, tossed together in a forest of snakes, the occasional lion, and no services. Life was very tough: clearing land, eking out a living from nothing. It’s reminiscent of the hardships faced by the settlers of the Canadian West, observes Cornelius, who runs the Foodgrains Bank from Winnipeg. Its biggest supporters are the farmers who work the Prairies today, people who know something about the vagaries of weather and working the land.

Today, Dana is a different place.

Cellphone in hand, farmer Oych Yaya walks along a ditch that catches water from a nearby river, hops up onto the edge of a concrete trough, and follows it to the other end, where the water flows into his own patch of insurance against unpredictable rains: One-quarter hectare of irrigated land that all but guarantees at least two good crops a year.

More than 230 of his neighbours got the same opportunity three years ago when they dug the channels for this water diversion project funded by the Foodgrains Bank.

Today, Oych is earning cash for the first time by selling surplus crops such as onions, peppers and bananas. He can now afford to pay fees and boarding costs so his seven children can go to school in Selamber, the district town. For years, their education was interrupted whenever droughts made paying fees impossible. His cellphone helps him track prices in nearby market towns so he can get good prices for his crops.

While aid agencies and the government take on similar irrigation projects and promote more productive ways of farming around the country, development experts say Ethiopia is not making the most of its land. According to government statistics, 740,000 of its 1.2 million square kilometres is arable, but only 150,000 square kilometres is being cultivated.

“The agricultural potential is there,” says Moyer. Despite being home to the source of the Nile and being the ‘water tower of Africa,’ he adds, only a small percentage of the arable land is irrigated. And because farmers do not have tenure over the land and plots are rotated between them every few years, he says, they don’t invest as much as they could in the land. “Everybody knows they won’t have the same land 10 years from now, so there’s a lot less investment in terms of how to maximize the use of the land, whether it’s irrigation … or being able to use your land as collateral to get credit.”

In the meantime, Ethiopians find ways to survive lean periods.

“People have been facing hunger for centuries, for generations,” says Vander Ende. “And one thing that Ethiopians excel in is survival skills. They know what to do.” While aid is sometimes needed, he says, it’s “at best only a supplement” to generations-old coping strategies and survival skills.

These include planting “famine crops” such as enset — often called false banana due to its appearance — whose roots can be eaten when other crops fail. In good times, families build up assets such as livestock, which can be sold in lean times. And there is a strong tradition of villagers banding together to help one another. There are even specific terms for each kind of mutual assistance; afoosha, idir and iqub refer to groups that look after social functions, funerals and rotating credit and savings associations.

Building on these traditions, local development agencies are now helping women, who often have little say in community affairs, create self-help groups of their own. Since 2008, the women of the village of Sere Belaka have been meeting weekly under the shade of a grove of trees overlooking a spectacular valley, each taking her turn to lead the group, building her confidence. Each week, each member contributes one birr (about five cents) to the group. The women, all illiterate and most living on half-hectare farms, explain that the idea of pooling their savings was a revelation that has made a sizable change in their lives. The women have used the money to buy sheep and resell them at higher prices, fatten up and butcher an ox to sell, and stockpile maize until prices rise. With their earnings, they helped one mother get medical help for her son who’d broken his arm, contributed to church and home construction and invested in members’ micro-businesses such as bee-keeping. And it sure beats going to the moneylenders. As one woman explained, being able to pay school fees was the best insurance of all: The women want their children to get an education, get good jobs and be able to take care of them in their old age.

“No matter what community you’re in, parents want their kids to be in school,” says Moyer. “They are limited in their options in subsistence agriculture. Most, if not all, see the way out through education.”

In Shashemene, the rains Abdala Wahilo prayed for in February didn’t come — at least not in time. And by the time any moisture hit the ground in late April it was too late for most farmers like him, who count on the “short rains” for crops that will feed them until the major crops are harvested.

“The short rainy season has effectively been a writeoff,” reports Vander Ende, noting that the season’s crops provide crucial food during the “hunger gap” between the main growing seasons. In recent weeks rains have come to some areas, and Vander Ende says that may help some farmers prepare ground for planting main crops in June.

“We’re on a knife-edge here,” he says, “seeing if we can salvage something from this very, very late rain.”

There’s not much they or anyone else can do about the weather, not even the ever-present Ethiopian government. And the forecast is worrisome.

FEWSNET, a famine early warning system funded by USAID, released two reports in April that don’t bode well for the people of south-central Ethiopia, where so much of the population lives.

In the Wolayta area, not far from Shashemene, FEWSNET reported that the sweet potato harvest was a “near complete failure,” food prices were rising, as were admissions of severely malnourished children to feeding programs and “stabilization centres.”

“Increased sale of livestock and firewood, consumption of immature enset and migration to towns in search of labour are being reported by poor households,” the report says. “Given such outcomes, thousands of poor and very poor households in these parts of the region are currently experiencing a food security crisis.”

The second report looked at the long-term climate trend. For many areas of the country, FEWSNET says, the outlook is good, with rainfall expected to keep farms productive. That, it says, is likely going to be needed to offset the problems facing south central Ethiopia where farmers like Abdala and the women of Sere Belaka can expect a drier future. The report concludes:

- Rains in this part of Ethiopia have decreased 15 to 20 per cent since the mid 1970s.

- Rising temperatures are making dry conditions even worse.

- The drop in rainfall is happening in the country’s most populated and fast-growing areas, creating conditions that “could dramatically increase the number of at-risk people in Ethiopia during the next 20 years.”

Whether it’s called climate change or not, says Moyer, the reality on the ground looks the same to the people living there.

“Whereas these regions may have seen severe droughts every five years and catastrophic ones every 10 years, we’re seeing them sometimes back-to-back,” he says. “If you’re going to face two months of severe drought and a potential famine situation where you can’t access food, if you have to sell off your livestock or your key household assets, you’re going to be worse off for a long period and may be even less equipped to deal with the next crisis that comes.”

For Cornelius, that’s where relief comes in.

And go ahead, he says, call it a Band-aid solution.

“We have Band-aids for a very good reason,” he says. “We need to cover wounds so they don’t get infected and lead to bigger problems.

“We strongly feel that providing immediate relief is essential for dealing with the immediate crisis, but it also makes a huge difference in the long term. If you don’t provide relief and the family takes their kids out of school, that’s compromising the future.”

For many Ethiopians, the future is measured by the next meal, the next crop, the next rainfall. The longer term solutions, are, for the most part, out of their work-weary hands.


Read more: http://www.ottawacitizen.com/knife+edge+Ethiopia/6606942/story.html#ixzz1upTOoicA


LinkMay 14, '12 3:54 AM
for everyone
Link: http://www.oromianexplorer.org/

Oromian Explorer website and Raadiyoo Marii Biyyaa

Djibouti: destitution and fear for refugees from Ethiopia

Gadaa.com

The following report is from the Oromia Support Group (OSG), a non-political organisation which attempts to raise awareness of human rights violations in Ethiopia. OSG has now reported 4407 extra-judicial killings and 992 disappearances of civilians in Ethiopia. Hundreds of thousands have been placed in illegal detention, where torture and rape are commonplace. To read the full report (pdf format), please click here.

Djibouti: destitution and fear for refugees from Ethiopia

Oromia Support Group Report 48 | May 2012

Summary
Refugees from Ethiopia and officials of NGOs and governments were interviewed in Somaliland and Djibouti in November and December 2011. Formal interviews with 43 refugees, including 26 in Djibouti, confirmed other reports that a high proportion of refugees from Ethiopia have been tortured.

Twenty one of the 43 interviewees (49%), including eight of the 26 interviewed in Djibouti, had been tortured. Every male former detainee (17) and four out of six female former detainees had been tortured – 91% of 23 former detainees.

At least four of the six female former detainees were serially and multiply raped. Three more, two when aged 11-14, were raped by Ethiopian security forces in or near their homes.

Interviewees reported 34 killings of close relatives and friends by Ethiopian security forces and the deaths of 94 in horrific circumstances in detention. One gave an eye-witness account of the Weter massacre, where he reported 1000 were shot dead in 1992.

There are several hundred registered asylum-seekers in Djibouti city and several thousand undocumented immigrants from Ethiopia. Registration, which was resumed for new applicants in 2010, affords a degree of protection from police roundups and the threat of deportation to Ethiopia. Refoulement of large numbers of registered asylum-seekers and UNHCR mandate refugees is now less common, due to better training of the Djibouti police by UNHCR.

However, refoulement of at least 25 Oromo and Ogadeni asylum-seekers and refugees occurred between November 2010 and January 2011. Eye-witness accounts corroborate claims that these men and women were abducted by snatch squads consisting of Djibouti and Ethiopian security forces.

UNHCR acknowledges that some were taken but believes reports by Djibouti police that only members of armed opposition groups were arrested and deported. Evidence provided by eye-witnesses and acquaintances of those refouled is not consistent with this belief. UNHCR does not appreciate the risk of abduction and refoulement for refugees who have no association with Ethiopian opposition groups, nor the associated fear that is part of their daily lives.

Asylum-seekers in Djibouti city lead a marginal existence, due to high unemployment and exploitation of cheap casual labour. Xenophobic and sexual violence is commonly reported in the city and in the area of Ali Addeh refugee camp, where most of the few hundred Ethiopian mandated refugees live. Two women reported three incidents of rape, including two of gang-rape in Djibouti city.

The sluggish refugee status determination process badly needs overhauling in Djibouti. Very few asylum-seekers achieve refugee status and therefore the assistance available in Ali Addeh camp or the slim chance of being considered for resettlement in a third country.

The factors that lead people to leave their homes, communities and lands in search of safety are complex. Repression, social violence, armed conflict, poverty and forced displacement co-exist and reinforce each other. The immediate cause of flight is almost always the danger of human rights abuse. …

The growing number of refugees is neither a temporary problem nor the random product of chance events. It is the predictable consequence of human rights crises, the result of decisions made by individuals who wield power over people’s lives. If governments did their job – if they protected their citizens instead of persecuting them – then those in exile could return home safely, and no more men, women and children would have to gamble on an uncertain future in a foreign land.

- Amnesty International. Refuge! Africa. In search of safety: The forcibly displaced and human rights in Africa. Index AFR 01/05/97. London. June 1997 (pp.1 and 6).

Full Report (pdf format)

Source: Gadaa.com


LinkMay 4, '12 3:37 PM
for everyone
Link: http://www.seifenebelbal.com/

Raadiyoo Afuura Biyyaa

Unity of Purpose to Empower Oromian Liberation Forces for Victory
 
Fayyis Oromia

As I tried to describe in my last opinion, the Oromo nation is in a liberation struggle against the Abyssinian colonizers, who are supported by their handlers from both power players of the Eastern and the Western world. This fighting for freedom from the proxy colonial forces (from the Abyssinian ruling elites) is continuing in multiple forms: diplomatically, militarily and politically. In this globe, where politics gives more value to the principle of the survival of the fittest, because of the fact that only 'might is right', there is no other alternative to empowering the Oromo people, if we are really serious about getting bilisummaa/freedom from the oppressors and achieve national walabummaa/sovereignty to determine our destiny. One of the ways to strengthen our nation is by forging the necessary unity of purpose between all Oromian liberation forces. What is this unity of purpose, how can we define it operationally?
 
James Wilson once defined unity of purpose as the blending of primary and derivative responsibilities into a common pursuit.  Alexander Hamilton said that securing such unity of purpose, coupled with the desire to make a difference, would generate the necessary energy to assure every nation's liberty and stability. In effect, Wilson's unity of purpose represents a central component of the American constitutional form. In the process of showing the importance of unity of purpose, he asserts that humanity is driven forward by the tension between those who upon viewing order create disorder and those who upon viewing disorder create order. In a conflict between these two diametrically opposite forces, unity of purpose can help those who want to create order/unity to have an essential victory over those who do the opposite. To indicate the very importance of such unity, the current president of the UNO also once told to the African leaders in certain AU leaders' submit: "through unity of purpose, I believe there is no limit to what we can achieve."
 
From these important sentences said by the above prominent personalities, we can see how relevant the national or supra-national unity of purpose is. Oromo nationalists, who are conscious about the importance of such unity, already started to describe this unity of purpose as 'tokkummaa for bilisummaa' = unity for freedom. The main thing, which the Oromo freedom fighters now desperately need to be successful is such a unity of purpose. We know that unity comes before victory even in a dictionary. That means, we need to have the necessary blending of primary and derivative responsibilities of our freedom fighters into a common pursuit of bilisummaa Oromo and walabummaa Oromia. This blending into a common pursuit through such unity of purpose, coupled with the desire of our people to make a difference, would generate the necessary energy to assure the stability and strength of the Oromo liberation bloc. The strength of the Oromo liberation movement is up to now challenged by the principle put well by Wilson that 'humanity is driven forward by the tension between those who upon viewing order create disorder and those who upon viewing disorder create order'. 
 
These two forces do present also in the Oromo liberation struggle. There are Oromo nationalists who do their best in 'creating order/unity upon viewing disorder/disunity' and we do observe forces from the enemy camp trying to create disorder/division upon viewing order in the Oromo liberation camp. The aims of the two opposing movements are of course antagonistic because of the fact that those who strive to create unity upon viewing division in the Oromo liberation camp do try to strengthen the Oromo freedom fighters, whereas those who attempt to create division upon viewing unity want to weaken the struggle. If these two forces can be differentiated well at least by the Oromo polity, then Oromo nationalists can consciously work on supporting the forces of tokkummaa for bilisummaa in order to empower the Oromian liberation camp against the Abyssinian colonization/domination camp, i.e. against the giant evil, which could develop to be such a big oppressor because of the massive support it gets from those who formed and are keeping the Ethiopian empire as an instrument designed to serve their own interest in the Horn region.
 
The main two forces we do now see struggling in Oromia and/or Ethiopia in such sense of creating disunity or unity are the Abyssinian forces, who do everything under the sun to weaken Oromo's power by using the divide-and-destroy method and the Oromian forces, who try to fix this problem of discord in the Oromo liberation movement with the purpose of strengthening the Oromo people. No question that to be liberated, the Oromo nation must be a force/humna. For this potentially great nation to be humna, it is fact that tokkummaa of the Oromo liberation forces is necessary. The tokkummaa we need should not necessarily be structural unity so that all liberation forces be in one stronger organization, as we used to dream and wish, but surely the unity of purpose among all the Oromo liberation organizations is mandatory and a must. The main principle used by the Abyssinian camp to hinder the Oromo nation from being such a humna is as mentioned above by sowing a discord and using the colonial method of divide-to-destroy.
 
To that effect particularly the Woyane cadres do apply the so called 'AME principle': the acronym standing for antagonize-moralize-emotionalize. Nowadays, they do try to antagonize the two goals envisioned by the OLF, even though we know that one of the goals will prevail based on the future decision of the Oromo public per referendum: ‘Oromian autonomy within Ethiopian union' vs 'Oromian independence within African union’. Furthermore both kaayyoo’s are not antagonistic to each other for the fact that the first kaayyoo is a very good prelude to the second. The cadres go on and try to moralize (paint as if Oromian autonomy is bad like a devil and Oromian independence is good like a divinity or vice versa). After moralizing the two goals like this, they further try to emotionalize (try to manipulate the Oromo nationals, so that we do develop an immense hatred against an Oromian autonomy and of course have an enthusiastic love towards Oromian independence or the reverse).
 
Regarding such move of the Woyane cadres to create division upon viewing order, the main areas of operation observed in the last 20 years of their rule are: the Amhara-Oromo divide, where they do try to make sure that these two camps never find a common denominator and forge a sort of alliance against their regime; the Amhara-Amhara conflict, where they try to hinder the andinet/unity of the Amhara camp, which can challenge their power in Finfinne palace; and the Oromo-Oromo discord, where they try to do everything under the sun to avoid any sort of tokkummaa in the Oromo liberation camp, which not only can take over power in Finfinne, but also liberate the whole Oromia from the Abyssinian domination forces. Oromo nationalists in particular and all the anti-Woyane forces in general should try to neutralize this malicious action of the Woyane by promoting the Oromo-Oromo tokkummaa, by not opposing the Amhara-Amhara andinet and by being open for the possible Amhara-Oromo tibibbir/alliance/tumsa. It is clear that the forces who want to create disorder/diviosn/disunity upon viewing order are doing their job in the Oromo liberation camp continuously and untiredly. But why do the forces of order/tokkummaa/unity not have such diligence and try their best to deal with these destructive forces of disorder? 
 
To illustrate, the importance of the unity of purpose among the Oromo liberation fronts, let me use the following metaphor by applying the five colors used in the faajjii’s/flags of Abbaa-Gadaa and OLF to represent the possible five steps and stages needed to move from the state of suffering under colony towards the future optimal bilisummaa Oromo and walabummaa Oromia. To move from the colonial “Ethiopian unity” of the Abyssinian elites to the free Oromian union envisioned by the Oromo nationalists, these five steps and can be undertaken or the five stages can be achieved one after the other. Just to categorize some Organizations and to give them certain political color, we need to divide the karaa/xurree bilisummaa (the roadmap of the Oromo liberation movement) in to five blocs or stages and paint each of them with the five colors:
 
- the first bloc/part/stage of the roadmap is colored with white, symbolically the phase of the Ginbot-7′s unitary Ethíopia devoid of Oromia, but have respecting Oromo people’s national right for freedom/bilisumma at heart, which is the same to what the OLF being acitve (for example) in ME’ISON tried to achieve and now considered as an obsolete political move and belongs to the past. We have already travelled this bloc or moved up to this first stage till 1991.
 
- the second part or stage is colored with yellow, which represents the status quo, the present Woyane’s evil and temporary pseudo-federalism, where in reality Oromia is under occupation of the Woyane forces, but where the OLF is doing its job infiltrating (for instance) the instrumental OPDO and try to keep the already achieved minimum political victories from set back.
 
- the third part/stage is the future short-term goal of the Oromo liberation movement in the form of true Oromian autonomy (genuine killil-federation) as planned by the OLF operating (for example) in Group-7 and this bloc can be painted with the green color.
 
- the fourth part/stage of the roadmap can be given the red color and it is the middle-term goal of the Oromo liberation movement; i.e an Oromian independence, which is indispensable and envisioned by the OLF operating (for instance) in the ULFO.
 
- the final, optimal, highest and fifth part/stage is represented by the black color, which symbolizes Oromian union (supra-national union of independent nations in the Horn region) as a long-term goal which is necessary to unite all Oromo in the Horn from Meroe to Mombaasa. As far as I know, the OLF didn’t yet explicitly stress this final move as a goal.
 
Whereas we have certain Oromo organizations claiming to be in exclusively green and red uniform, none of the structurally existing Oromo liberation forces seems to be exclusively and explicitly in black uniform, even though all do have the potential to be; here again black being the final and lasting goal which can serve the interest of all the stakeholders in the Horn region. This stepwise move from one stage/bloc to the next/highest level is like the liberation journey from garbummaa under the Amhara rule till 1991 in a symbolical Djibouti (white) and from the border town of Ayisha (yellow) representing the status quo under Woyane —– through Oromian autonomy symbolized by Diredhawa (green) —– and through Oromian independence represented by a move to Adama (red) —– to the final goal in the form of Oromian union, which is given the symbol of arriving at Finfinne (black).
This liberation journey first towards Diredhawa, then to Adama and at the end to Finfinne is the optimal and progressive move, in which all Oromo freedom fighters can take part. All of them can wear together yellow uniform for the sake of hindering any possible backward and regressive move to Djibouti, the backward move for which almost all Amhara forces do struggle. Then, all of the Oromo freedom fighters can have green uniform to move together to Diredhawa followed by changing the uniform to red in order to push further towards Adama, and finally all these nationalists can together put on black uniform to move to Finfinne, the most beneficial type of Oromian sovereignty.
 
Here, we can clearly see how wrongly we usually do categorize both the Ginbot-7 and the Group-7 in one camp. In reality, Ginbot-7 wants us to move from the status quo regressively backwards to the white area, whereas the Group-7 tries to help us progressively move from the yellow position forwards to the green zone. Actually Oromo nationalists in the exclusively red uniform (pro-independence forces) could move with the Group-7, who are now wearing green (pro-autonomy forces), forwards to the next bloc of the roadmap and then challenge the convincingly green nationals, not to hinder the further move of the Oromo nation to the red zone. At the end, if it will be in the interest of the Oromo people, nothing can inhibit us from the final move to the black part of the roadmap (to the position of the pro-union forces). Very important in fostering the imperative unity of purpose among the Oromo liberation organizations is to be conscious that a genuine and true 'Oromian autonomy within Ethiopian union' is a best prelude for an 'Oromian independence within African union'. Thus, through resisting both the white and the yellow Abyssinian forces and being open to support the move of the OLF towards both the green and the red blocs, Oromo nationalists can harmoniously struggle together.
 
That is why I do think that the currently ongoing way of alienating the Group-7, which is actually the frank attempt of the OLF to exclusively move to the green zone, from the other Oromo freedom fighters, serves only the evil intention of those who want to weaken the unity of purpose in the Oromo liberation camp. Of course, indisputably clear is that to minimize such opposition of some Oromo nationalists against the move of the Group-7, actually also its partner, the Ginbot-7, should have changed its program towards accepting the true killil federation in a process of forging the alliance between these two respective Amhara and Oromo forces. Otherwise, to understand why we should in unison support the progressive moves to both the green and the red zones, we can see that even alaabaa of the OLF is a combination of green (pro-autonomy move) and red (pro-independence move) illustrating the fact that the OLF is by nature inclusive of the two goals, on which the Oromo public will have a referendum at the right time in the future.
 
Furthermore, important to consider regarding the Oromo national liberation movement is the significance of allowing our mind-set of bilisummaa (the OLF) to move in all directions and areas by using different factions and rhetoric as mere instruments. The move of this mind-set in a structural (organizational) form of OPDO, OFC, OLF-JJ (Group-7), OLF-QC, OLF-SG and ULFO must be recognized, accepted and respected by all the reasonable and seasoned Oromo nationalists with sound mind. There is no irreconcilable conflict between the different approaches of the OLF operating in these structural Oromo liberation forces, as our foes want to see it and want to make us believe. The move of the OLF, be it tactical or strategical, using these different names is not as such contradictory, but complementary. These different structural organizations of the OLF, who ought to have the imperative unity of purpose, is necessary for the Oromo nation to come to the kaayyoo (purpose) of bilisummaa Oromo and walabummaa Oromia. Beside the unity of purpose, some other factors, which are necessary to empower Oromo nation against Abyssinian colonizers are: our commitment and dedication to sacrifice our talent, money and time for the kaayyoo; our efforts to strengthen the military wing of our movement, the OLA (Oromo Liberation Army) as the only means for the Oromo nation to get respect in the world, where survival of the fittest is the rule of the game; our possibly smart diplomacy to get more international support for our cause; and our internal strength not to be influenced by the pressure from the enemy camp.
 
Last but not least, it is not only the use of unity of purpose to empower Oromo freedom fighters what is necessary, but also knowing the vice versa, i.e. empowering Oromian liberation forces can lead to the consolidation of the necessary tokkummaa for bilisummaa. That means, another way of uniting the Oromo liberation camp is just helping one of the OLF structural organizations be stronger, so that the forces in the weaker structures will be attracted towards the stronger one and this stronger OLF structure can be the core of empowering our nation. So let us all Oromo nationals be ready to join one structural liberation organization, which we think can fit our belief and then let's contribute our best to the Oromo's unity of purpose through strengthening where possible the structural unity of the OLF, if not the spiritual unity of purpose between the existing multiple structures. In this way, we can at least materialize the spiritual unity of all Oromo nationalists with the mind-set of bilisummaa, which we can take as unity of purpose. Such unity of purpose is indispensable, if we want that at the end of the day Oromian freedom fighters have victory on the Abyssinian colonizers. Only when we do create such unity of purpose, the Oromo people can boldly assert like the UNO president did: through unity of purpose, there is no limit to what we can achieve. May Rabbi/Waaqa help Oromian liberation forces be empowered through our unity of purpose (through tokkummaa for bilisummaa) and help us come out victorious over the Abyssinian colonizers.
 
 
Galatooma! 

According to EthioMedia, a delegate of Group-7 (the recently created "new OLF") will hold a meeting with its Ethiopian fans in the capital city of Canada, Ottawa, over the weekend (May 5, 2012).

Gadaa.comPart of the mission of the delegation of Group-7 to Ottawa, Canada, according to an unconfirmed source from Toronto, is to lay the groundwork for the takeover of the Oromo Sports Federation in North America (OSFNA) by an Ethiopian Sports Federation. According to this source, OSFNA had been deliberately weakened and made irrelevant over the last three years - attracting less and less number of people each year - as "part and parcel" of the ultimate takeover of OSFNA by an Ethiopian Sports Federation. Read More


Open letter to:
His Excellency Mr. Martin Schulz, President of the European Parliament
His Excellency Mr. José Manuel Barroso, President of the European Commission
His Excellency Mr. Van Rompuy, President of the European Council
1049 Brussels, Belgium   
                
25 April 2012

Dear President,

We, the members of Oromo Community Organizations in Europe and citizens of the European Union would like to bring to your attention the escalating violations of human rights being committed by the government of Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, a Tigrayan minority regime against the Oromo and other peoples in Ethiopia. The Oromo country, Oromia, was conquered and colonized by Abyssinian kings during the European scramble for Africa in the late nineteenth century. During the last 130 years the rulers of the Ethiopian state have been oppressing the Oromo people and exploiting the rich natural resources of Oromia. The excessive exploitation of their resources and the oppressive policies of Ethiopian rulers have successively reduced the Oromo to one of the most impoverished and terrorized indigenous African peoples. We would like to point out that military, financial and diplomatic assistance from Western countries has been crucial in maintaining the Ethiopian rulers’ domination over the Oromo people. Regrettably, this trend has continued even under the present Ethiopian regime.

Violation of human rights under the present Ethiopian government

The government of Meles Zenawi started its rule by imprisoning thousands of Oromos introducing large concentration camps for the first time in Ethiopian history. In 1993, it incarcerated over 40,000 men, women and children in overcrowded camps where many died from maltreatment by the regime’s security forces, contagious diseases and malaria. International human rights organizations have reported routinely the regime’s gross violation of human rights since the 1990s. Amnesty International has documented thousands of Oromo prisoners of conscience during the last twenty years. Extra-judicial killings and “disappearances” (hidden assassinations) of political activists perpetrated by the brutal administration of Meles Zenawi surpass those which occurred under the previous Ethiopian regimes. These atrocities are affecting the Oromo more than any other group in the country because the regime fears the potential political power of the Oromo people; they constitute the single largest population group in Ethiopia. According to reports by local and international humanitarian organizations, the Ethiopian security forces have, in recent years, intensified mass arrests, abductions and imprisonments of Oromo students, and members and leaders of civic organizations. Consequently, thousands of Oromo students have been expelled from various colleges and universities and many have been imprisoned, tortured and killed.

The regime’s serious crackdown on Oromo students started, in fact, in 2003- 2004 when it expelled over 350 of them from the various colleges of the Addis Ababa University (Human Rights Watch, 2005). Since 2005, thousands of Oromo students have been arrested from universities, colleges and secondary schools throughout the regional state of Oromia. According to a recent report compiled by the National Youth Movement for Freedom and Democracy, Qeeroo, 869 Oromo students have been arrested and detained from April 2011 to the end of March 2012. The repression is escalating and the report shows that 31.2 per cent or 271 of the arrests were made during the first quarter of 2012. As those who are arrested or jailed are not allowed to resume their studies the future of many of these young men and women is destroyed by the repressive policies of the Ethiopian regime. In fact it is not only the livelihoods of these Oromo youths which is destroyed by the anti-Oromo policies of the Meles Zenawi regime, but also their physical wellbeing and lives are also threatened.  Indisputable pictorial reports available on websites show that the number of young Oromo men and women killed by the Ethiopian security forces is increasing in tandem with the number of those who are being detained.

Regime’s acts of violence are also intensifying against Oromo civic organizations. It suffices to mention here that the Macca (Macha) Tuulama Association (MTA), which was founded in the early 1960s as a pan-Oromo self-help organization, was repeatedly attacked by the Meles Zenawi regime. To silence the civic voice of the Oromo people, the government of Prime Minister Zenawi has been persecuting the MTA members and leaders. In October 2011, the regime banned the organization alleging links with the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), a political organization fighting for the political rights of the Oromo people. MTA members and leaders, who were arrested, are still in jail without due process of law; others who escaped detention are in exile. Although the repressive actions of the Ethiopian government are exacerbated in the recent years, lack of complete information from all parts of the country makes what is reported just the tip of an iceberg. Understandably, many Ethiopian journalists are reluctant to report about the regime’s repressive actions for fear of being accused of sympathizing with organizations that the Meles Zenawi regime labels as “terrorists”.  Even foreign journalists are not free from such accusations. The case of the two Swedish journalists, who were recently detained, charged and convicted of supporting “terrorism”, reflects the Ethiopian regime’s misguided policies and views on freedom of the press.

Today, the number of political prisoners in Ethiopia is estimated to exceed twenty thousand. Former political prisoners say that over 90 per cent of the inmates in detention centres such as the Qaallitti Jail located a few kilometres south of the capital city are Oromos who are incarcerated for political reasons. Oromo prisoners include teenagers and men over eighty years old. In some cases, some prison inmates are members of the same family and include fathers, children and sometimes even grandchildren.

Land grab and displacement of indigenous peoples from their farmlands

Since 2007, the government of Prime Minister Zeanawi has sold or leased on long-term basis lasting up to 99 years about four million of hectares of the most fertile farm- and pasturelands in Ethiopia to international bidder. The policy is forcibly displacing millions of indigenous peoples from their ancestral lands without proper compensation if any. Over a third (36 per cent) of the farmlands is confiscated from indigenous Oromo farmers and pastoralist. The evidence provided by researchers show that Ethiopia’s most productive farmland leased to foreign companies are growing food and biofuel crops for export while millions of the indigenous populations are starving. It works against food security of indigenous peoples such as the Anuak, the Oromo and Gumuz. According to the UN the right to food entails that all people have physical access at all times to sufficient food. The right to adequate food also places obligations on Governments to respect, protect and fulfill the right to food, ensuring that there are no direct violations of people’s physical and economic access to sufficient food to maintain a dignified life. Article 17 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights stipulates that (a) everyone has the right to own property alone as well as in association with others and that (b) no one shall be arbitrarily deprived of his property. The land policy of the present Ethiopian regime violates the right to food and access to natural resources of which water stand outs. The policy denies the Oromo and the other affected indigenous peoples their human right to property. It has already led to the displacement of the indigenous populations and the disintegration of their families and communities on a large scale.  The evidence also shows that large scale land lease for commercial farming by the Ethiopian regime has devastating effects on the environment and the country’s water resources.

Your Excellency

 Ethiopia is one of the largest recipients of EU’s humanitarian and development aid in Sub-Saharan Africa. It is sad to see that a large proportion of this aid is not used for humanitarian relief and development but for political repression. As pointed out in a report sponsored by Human Rights Watch (2010) billions of euros for development aid are being diverted by the Ethiopian government to conduct political oppression.  Forced by political repression and as a result of land grab the number of Oromo and other refugees fleeing from Ethiopia is increasing at a very alarming rate today. What is more alarming is the desperate situation in which these hapless men, women and children find themselves while seeking safety outside their homeland. We are sad to say that many of them die of thirst and hunger while trying to transverse the inhospitable terrains of northeast Africa; many drown while crossing the Gulf of Aden and the Mediterranean Sea in overcrowded rickety vessels in search of safety haven;  many more often fall into the vicious grips of human-traffickers, ‘organ harvesters,’ and rapists.  It is outrageous that all of them are victims of a regime that is financially and diplomatically supported by Western democratic states.

Your Excellency,
 
It is distressing to know that EU’s financial aid to Ethiopia is being used as weapon of suppression against our people. The current Ethiopian regime may present itself as an indispensable regional ally of the West against global terrorism. However, we believe that a government that is terrorizing its own people and rules by tyranny cannot be a dependable ally of democratic states in the war against terrorism. On the contrary, we would like to point out that it is the gross violation of human rights committed by the regime which is contributing to local, regional and global instability.

We, the members of Oromo community organizations in Europe and citizens of the European Union call on your office to use all its diplomatic and economic prerogatives to end the growing repression and escalating human rights violations in Ethiopia. We urge you to put pressure on the Ethiopian government to:
•    End arrests and extrajudicial killings.
•    Release political prisoners, unlawfully detained students, civic leaders and professionals.
•    Repeal the terrorism and press laws that stifle democracy.
•    Release journalists arrested under the fake pretexts of anti-terrorism.
•    Respect its own Constitution and allow all the nations, nationalities and peoples of the Federal Republic of Ethiopia to freely exercise their rights of self-determination.
•    Stop the displacement of peasants and pastoralists from their homes
•    Stop illegal lease and sale of farm- and pasturelands belonging to the Oromo and other indigenous peoples to local and foreign land grabbers.

We greatly appreciate your attention to the plight of the Oromo and other peoples in Ethiopia.


Respectfully,
Members of the Organizing Committee, Oromo Communities in Europe


 
1.    Dr. Galana Balcha, Chairman; galana.balcha@tele2.se, Sweden
2.    Prof. Mekuria Bulcha, Sweden; mekuria.bulcha@mdh.se
3.    Dr. Bekele Gabre Mamiam, The Netherlands,
b_gebremariam@hotmail.com
4.   Dr. Muluneh Oli, Belgium,  m.oli@skynet.be  
5.   Dr. Alemayehu Kumsa, Prague, Czech Republic; alemayehu.kumsa@ff.cuni.cz
6.    Mr. Tasfaye Metta, Belgium; tesfayemetta@gmail.com
7.    Mr. Mulugeta Mossissa, The Netherlands; abdisa@gmail.com
8.    Mr. Immiru Ittanaa, UK; hawweetuu@yahoo.com
9.    Dr. Zewdu Lechissa, Switzerland; Lechissazewdu@yahoo.com
10.   Mr. Olumaa Aberra, Switzerland; oluma5@yahoo.com
11.   Mr. Hundee  Dhugasa, Belgium; jajjabee430@gmail.com
12.   Mr Immiru Itana, UK; hawetu@yahoo.com
 
Copy to:
His Excellency Mr. Ban K-Moon
Secretary-General, United Nations
Office of the Secretary General
885 Second Avenue
New York, NY 10017

United Nations Development Programme
One United Nations Plaza
New York, NY 10017 USA
The African Union 
PO Box 3243, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia

United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees,
P.O. Box 2500, CH-1211 Geneva 2, Switzerland

Amnesty International, Human Rights Action Centre,
17-25 New Inn Yard,
London EC2A 3EA

Human Rights Watch
350 Fifth Avenue, 34th Floor
New York, NY 10118-3299
 
Attachment: Letter to the President of the European Parliament.doc

A Three Days Campaign to bring the Consequences of Land Grabbing and Human Rights Violations in Oromia and Ethiopia to the Attention of the European Union (EU)

Brussels and Antwerp, Belgium, 26-28 April 2012

The three days campaign, conducted in the cities of Brussels and Antwerp by members of Oromo communities in Europe, started on the 26th of April 2012 with a visit made by the Organizing Committee’s delegates consisting of Mr. Mulugeta Mossissa from the Netherland, Professor Mekuria Bulcha from Sweden, Mr. Tesfaye Metta from Belgium and Dr Alemayehu Kumsa from Czech Republic to the European Parliament. The delegates were received by Mr. Marc Jütten, Advisor for External Policies in the Cabinet of the President of the European Parliament, on behalf of the President Mr. Martin Schulz. During the meeting which lasted for an hour the delegates informed Mr. Jütten about the human rights violations in Ethiopia in general and Oromia in particular. The discussions with Mr. Jütten covered various aspects of human rights violations in Ethiopia with a focus on the large-scale land lease to local and international commercial farmers, the eviction of Oromo farmers from their homes and farmlands, and the situation of Oromo refugees in the Horn of Africa and Yemen.

The delegates also pointed out that the EU’s financial aid and political support to the Ethiopian government is contributing to the suffering of the Oromo and other peoples in Ethiopia rather than economic development, peace and regional stability. Mr. Jütten promised to deliver the concern of the delegates to Mr. Martin Schulz and to raise the issue to other concerned authorities within the European Parliament. 

 Letters with similar contents were also delivered to the President of European Council Mr. Van Rompuy and to the President of the European Commission Mr. José Manuel Durão Barroso. Practical diplomatic actions are expected from both offices.

At a demonstration which was held on 27 April from 10:00 to 12:00 o’clock in front of the EU commission, many members of the Oromo communities from different European countries voiced their anger and protest against the ongoing massive land grabbing in Oromia and in the non-Abyssinian regions in Ethiopia, human rights violations, the conditions of Oromo political prisoners, and situation of Oromo refugees. The demonstrators also voiced their disappointment about the misuse of the EU AID by the Ethiopian government as a tool to oppress the Oromo and other peoples in Ethiopia.

On the third day, a comprehensive seminar was resumed in Antwerp at ACV Verbond Antwerpen‎ Nationalestrat 111. Four papers were presented on different themes by scholars and an advocate of human rights. Professor Mekuria Bulcha from Mälardalen University, Sweden, presented papers on two themes: the ‘Political and economic effects of Land grabbing in Oromia’, and  ‘Overview of the Historical and Cultural Underpinnings of the Oromo Struggle for National Identity and independence’. And also a paper On Long-Term Effects of Land Grabbing on the Environment’ was also presented.
 
The human rights advocate and Chairman of the Oromo Support Group (OSG), Dr. Trevor Trueman also presented a well-documented overview of human rights violations in Oromia and Ethiopia and the situation of Oromo refugees in Djibouti and Somaliland.
Each presentation was followed by lively debates and the active participation of the audience. The conference was concluded late Saturday evening at 9 o’clock. Participants of the events underlined that the three-day activities should be the beginning of the advocacy campaign on the issues of human rights, land grabbing, on the case of Oromo political prisoners in Ethiopia, and the situation of Oromo refugees at large. A call for future closer cooperation, unity, and action among all participants was made. The participants have also called all Oromos around the globe to follow suit and raise the issues of land grabbing, human rights violations, the plight of Oromo political prisoners, Oromo refugees, and inform the public at large.

Let us do all what we can today!!!

Ad Hoc Coordinating Committee, Oromo Communities in Europe

April 28, 2012

Antwerp, Belgium.


Click here to download the full document
Photos: Gadaa.com





Attachment: Belgium campaign April 2012.pdf

Oromia-Ethiopia: OLF Press Release – Demand of Muslim Community Part of Overall Demand for Human Rights

April 28, 2012 at 9:26 pm · Gadaa.com

The following is a press release from the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF).

The press release is also available in the following languages:
- Afaan Oromoo
- Amharic


The Demand of the Muslim Community of Ethiopia is Part of the Overall Demand for Respect of the Rights of the Population from the TPLF/EPRDF Regime

OLF Statement

Gadaa.com

The Muslim community has been demonstrating for sometimes now demanding respect for their religious democratic rights for several consecutive Fridays. Their demand is part of the right of faith guaranteed for anybody. The TPLF/EPRDF regime has been trying to force the Muslims to adopt, against their will, a recent version of a negligible minority interpretation taught by followers of Abdallah el Habashi. The regime is doing this through an imposed Islamic Supreme Council (Majlisul A’alaa). The regime is harassing the majority believers, who demand that the government should not interfere in religious affairs, and that they directly elect their representatives in the Supreme Council.

The repressive regime is applying to the religious institutions the same strategy it uses to control the political organizations of the nations and nationalities in Ethiopia, namely infiltrating its agents/cadres and helping them take control of the activities of the organizations as a whole. Subsequently, these institutions are transformed to the tool of the regime to misrule. The Muslims resist the so-called Islamic Supreme Council that has been so transformed from a body that should guide the Islamic religious affairs to a government agent that is bent on curtailing their rights and directly executing the regime’s detrimental policies. The Muslims insist that, since these current Council Leaders are there as government cadres, they want to elect their own representatives democratically instead.

Reports indicate that those who air this view are harassed under different pretexts. Those who happen to be Oromo are labelled as OLF while others are also given the cloak of their respective nations or nationality political organizations. Those whose ethnic background could not be identified are labelled as ‘al Qa’ida’ agents and treated accordingly. Lately, this has grown into open confrontation with the regime resorting to its favourite tool of suppression, killing peaceful demonstrations. The latest killing of Oromo believers in Arsi is the most provocative and appalling.

Ironically, this regime boasts of realizing equality of faith recognizing the rights of religious groups like Muslims who were mistreated under the previous regimes. It stipulates in its nominal constitution Article 11 “Government shall not interfere in the conduct or practice of any religion. Religion shall not interfere in the affairs of government.” However, because of its preoccupation with the ‘divide and rule’ principle, it could not implement this. It is heavily engaged in interfering in religious affairs instigating conflict, not only between different religions, but also within a given religious group as well.

It is to be recalled that this irresponsible regime has instigated conflict between the followers of Islam and that of Christianity causing heavy loss in life and property at different times. It has created animosity between different sects and churches of Christianity to create conducive condition for its intervention at will. It singles out churches of Oromo majority as OLF church and harasses the members creating confrontation with other churches. Followers of Waaqeffannaa, traditional Oromo religion, are good targets to label as OLF and denied the right to freely follow a religion of their choice. All these indicate that this regime is preoccupied with creating and sustaining division and conflict in the people it purportedly rules, to prolong its cling to power.

OLF, as a liberation organization that upholds the equality of all the religions, does not condone interference in the religious right of any group. The demand of any ethnic or religious group, including the current demand of Muslims, in Ethiopia for its group right is part of overall human rights. Therefore, the OLF condemns the TPLF/EPRDF regime’s violent suppression of peaceful demonstration against its interference in and manipulation of the Muslim community affairs with the strongest terms.

No religion should be used to advance a political end nor should any religion use politics as a tool for its purpose. Therefore, the OLF calls upon the regime to desist from escalating the peaceful demonstration into a wrong direction by killing the demonstrators and instead stop its strategy of cowing the religious community into submitting to its orders. We want to assure that the regime will solely be responsible for whatever dangerous consequence of this reckless policy resorting to guns to suppress peaceful and legitimate demonstration.

Victory to the Oromo People!

Oromo Liberation Front

April 28, 2012

P.O.Box 6973
Asmara, Eritrea
Tel 2911 153848
Email: abamilki@gemel.com.er
www.OromoLiberationFront.org


Unity of Purpose to Empower Oromian David Against Abyssinian Goliath
 
As I tried to describe in my last opinion, the Oromo nation (our David) is still in a liberation struggle against the Abyssinian colonizers (the Goliath), who are supported by their powerful handlers from both power players of the Eastern and the Western world. This fighting for freedom from the proxy colonial forces (from the Abyssinian ruling elites) is continuing in multiple forms: diplomatically, militarilly and politically. In this globe, where politcs gives more value to the priciple of the survival of the fittest for only 'might is right', there is no other alternative to empowering the Oromo people, if we are really serious to get bilisummaa/freedom from the oppressors and achieve national walabummaa/sovereignty to determine our destiny. One of the ways to strengthen our David is by forging the necessary unity of purpose between all Oromian liberation forces. What is this unity of purpose, how can we define it operationally?
 
James Wilson once defined unity of purpose as the blending of primary and derivative responsibilities into a common pursuit.  Alexander Hamilton said that securing such unity of purpose, coupled with the desire to make a difference, would generate the necessary energy to assure every nation's liberty and stability. In effect, Wilson's unity of purpose represents a central component of the American constitutional form. In the process of showing the importance of unity of purpose, he asserts that humanity is driven forward by the tension between those who upon viewing order create disorder and those who upon viewing disorder create order. In a conflict between these two diametrically opposite forces, unity of purpose can help those who want to create order/unity to have an essential victory over those who do the opposite. To indicate the very importance of such unity, the current president of the UNO also once told to the African leaders in certain AU leaders' submit: "through unity of purpose, I believe there is no limit to
what we can achieve."
 
From these important sentences said by the above prominent personalities, we can see how relevant is the national or supra-national unity of purpose. Oromo nationalists, who are conscious about the importance of such unity, already started to describe this unity of purpose as 'tokkummaa for bilisummaa' = unity for freedom. The main thing, which the Oromo freedom fighters now desperately need to be successful is such a unity of purpose. We know that unity comes before victory even in a dictionary. That means, we need to have the necessary blending of primary and derivative responsibilities of our freedom fighters into a common pursuit of bilisummaa Oromo and walabummaa Oromia. This blending into a common persuit through such unity of purpose, coupled with the desire to make a difference, would generate the necessary energy to assure the stability and strength of the Oromo liberation bloc. The strength of the Oromo liberation movement (our David) is up to now challenged by the principle put well by Wilson that 'humanity is driven forward by the tension between those who upon viewing order create disorder and those who upon viewing disorder create order'.
 
These two forces do present also in the Oromo liberation struggle. There are Oromo nationalists who do their best in 'creating order/unity upon viewing disorder/disunity' and we do observe forces from the enemy camp trying to creat disorder upon viewing order in the Oromo liberation camp. The aims of the two opposing movements are of course antagonisitc because of the fact that those who strive to creat order upon viewing disorder in the Oromo liberation camp do try to strengthen the Oromo freedom fighters, whereas those who attempt to create disorder upon viewing order want to weaken the struggle. If these two forces can be differentiated well at least by the Oromo polity, then Oromo nationalists can consciously work on supporting the forces of tokkummaa for bilisummaa in order to empower the Oromian liberation camp (our David) against the Abyssinian colonization/domination camp (the Goliath), i.e against the giant evil, which could develop to be such a big oppressor because of the massive support it gets from those who formed and are keeping the Ethiopian empire as an instrument designed to serve their own interest in the Horn region.
 
The main two forces we do now see struggling in Oromia and/or Ethiopia in such sense of creating disunity or unity are the Abyssinian forces, who do everything under the sun to weaken Oromo's power by using the divide-and-destroy method and the Oromian forces, who try to fix this problem of discord in the Oromo liberation movement with the purpose of strengthening the Oromo people. No question that to be liberated, the Oromo nation must be a force/humna. For this potentially great nation to be humna, it is fact that tokkummaa of the Oromo líberation forces is necessary. The tokkummaa we need should not necessarily be structural unity so that all liberation forces be in one stronger organization, as we used to dream and wish, but surely the unity of purpose among all the Oromo liberation organizations is mandatroy and a must. The main principle used by the Abyssinian camp to hinder the Oromo nation from being humna is as mentioned above by sowing a discord and using the colonial method of divide-to-destroy.
 
To that effect particularily the Woyane cadres do apply the so called 'AME principle': the acronym standing for antagonize-moralize-emotionalize. Nowadays, they do try to antagonize the two goals envisioned by the OLF, even though we know that one of the goals will prevail based on the future decision of the Oromo public per referendum on ‘Oromian autonomy with in Ethiopian union' vs 'Oromian independence within African union’. Furthermore both kaayyoo’s are not antagonisitc to each other for the fact that the first kaayyoo is a very good prelude to the second. The cadres go on and try to molarize (paint as if Oromian autonomy is bad like a devil and Oromian independence is good like a divinity or vice versa). After moralizing the two goals like this, they further try to emotionalize (try to manipulate the Oromo nationals, so that we do develop an immense hatred against an Oromian autonomy and of course have an enthusiastic love towards Oromian independence or the reverse).
 
Regarding such move of the Woyane cadres to create disorder upon viewing order, the main areas of operation observed in the last 20 years of their rule are: the Amhara-Oromo divide, where they do try to make sure that these two camps never find a common denominator and forge a sort of alliance against their regime; the Amhara-Amhara conflict, where they try to hinder the aandinnet/unity of the Amhara camp, which can challenge their power in Finfinne palace; and the Oromo-Oromo discord, where they try to do everything under the sun to avoid any sort of tokkummaa in the Oromo liberation camp, which not only can take over power in Finfinne, but also liberate the whole Oromia from the Abyssinian domination forces. Oromo nationalists in particular and all the anti-Woyane forces in general should try to neutralize this malicious action of the Woyane by promoting the Oromo-Oromo tokkummaa, by not opposing the Amhara-Amhara aandinnet and by being open for the possible Amhara-Oromo tibibbir/alliance/tumsa. It is clear that the forces who want to create disorder upon viewing order are doing their job in the Oromo liberation camp contineously and untiredly. But why do the forces of order/tokkummaa/unity not have such diligence and try their best to deal with these destructive forces of disorder?
 
To illustrate, the importance of the unity of purpose among the Oromo liberation fronts, let me use the following metaphor by applying the five colors used in the faajjii's/flags of Abbaa-Gadaa and OLF to represent the possible five steps needed to move from the state of suffering under colony towards the future optimal bilisummaa Oromo and walabummaa Oromia. To move from the colonial "Ethiopian unity" of the Abyssinian elites to the free Oromian union envisioned by the Oromo nationalists, these five steps can be undertaken one after the other. Just to categorize some Organizations and to give them political color, we need to divide the karaa/xurree bilisummaa (the roadmap of the Oromo liberation movement) in to five blocs and we can just imagine this roadmap from garbummaa/colony to bilisummaa is marked by the five colors of our two faajjii's:
 
- the first bloc of the roadmap is colored with white, symbolically the phase of the Ginbot-7's unitary Ethíopia devoid of Oromia, which is obsolete and belongs to the past. We have already travelled this part of the roadmap till 1991.
 
- the second part is colored with yellow, which represents the status quo, the present Woyane's evil and temporary pseudo-federalism, where in reality Oromia is under occupation of the Woyane forces.
 
- the third part is the short-term goal of the Oromo liberation movement in the form of genuine killil-federation (true Oromian autonomy) planned by the OLF operating (for example) in Group-7 and this bloc can be painted with the green color.
 
- the fourth part of the roadmap can be given the red color and it is the middle-term goal of the Oromo liberation movement; i.e an Oromian independence, which is indispensable, must and envisioned by the OLF operating in (for instance) the ULFO.
 
- the final and fifth part is represented by black color which symbolizes Oromian union (supra-national union of independent nations in the Horn region) as a long-term goal, which is necessary to unite all Oromo in the Horn from Meroe to Mombaasa. As far as I know, the OLF has not yet explicitly stress this final move as a goal.
 
Whereas we have certain Oromo organizations claiming to be exclusively green and red, none of the structurally existing Oromo liberation forces seems to be exclusively and explicitly black, even though all do have the potential to be; here black being the final and lasting goal which can serve the interest of all the stakeholders in the Horn region. This stepwise move is like the liberation journey from garbummaa under the Amhara rule till 1991 in symbolical Djibouti (white) and from the border town of Ayisha (yellow) representing the status quo under Woyane ----- through Oromian autonomy symbolized by Diredhawa (green) ----- and through Oromian independence represented by a move to Adama (red) ----- to the final goal in the form of Oromian union, which is given the symbol of arriving at Finfinne (black). This liberation journey first towards Diredhawa, then to Adama and at the end to Finfinne is the optimal and progressive move, in which all Oromo freedom fighters can take part. All of them can wear together yellow uniform for the sake of hindering any possible backward and regressive move to Djibouti, the move for which the Amhara forces do struggle. Then, all of them can have green uniform to move together to Diredhawa followed by changing the uniform to red in order to push further towards Adama, and finally all nationalists can together put on black uniform to move to Finfinne, the most beneficial type of Oromian sovereignty.
 
Now we can clearly see how wrongly we usually do categorize both the Ginbot-7 and the Group-7 in one camp. In reallity, Ginbot-7 wants us to move from the status quo regressively backwards to the white area, whereas the Group-7 tries to help us progressively move from the yellow position forwards to the green zone. Actually Oromo nationalists in the exclusively red uniform could move with the Group-7, who are now wearing green, forwards to the next bloc of the roadmap and then challenge the convincingly green nationals, not to hinder the further move of the Oromo nation to the red zone. At the end, if it will be in the interst of the Oromo people, nothing can inhibit us from the final move to the black part of the roadmap. Here, very important in fostering the imperative unity of purpose among the Oromo liberation organizations is to be conscious that a genuine and true 'Oromian autonomy within Ethiopian union' is a best prelude for an 'Oromian independence within African union'. Thus, through resisting both the white and the yellow Abyssinain force and being open to support the move of the OLF towards both the green and the red blocs, we can harmoneously struggle together.
 
That is why I do think that the currently ongoing way of alienating the Group-7, which is actually the frank attempt of the OLF to exclusively move to the green zone, from the other Oromo freedom fighters serves only the evil intention of those who want to weaken the unity of purpose in the Oromo liberation camp. Of course, undisputably clear is that to minimize such opposition of some Oromo nationalists against the move of the Group-7, actually also its partner, the Ginbot-7, should have changed its program in a process of forging the alliance between these two respective Amhara and Oromo forces. Otherwise, to understand why we should in unison supprt the progressive moves to both the green and the red zones, we can see that even alaabaa of the OLF is a combination of green (pro-autonomy move) and red (pro-independence move) illustrating the fact that the OLF is by nature inclusive of the two goals, on which the Oromo public will have a referendum at the right time in the future.
 
Furthermore, important to know regarding the Oromo national liberation movement is the siginificance of allowing our mind-set of bilisummaa (the OLF) to move in all directions and areas by using different factions and rhetorics as mere instruments. The move of this mind-set in a structural (organizational) form of OPDO, OFC, OLF-JJ (Group-7), OLF-QC, OLF-SG and ULFO must be recognized, accepted and respected by all the reasonable and seasoned Oromo nationalists with sound mind. There is no irreconcilable conflict between the different approaches of the OLF operating in these structural Oromo liberation forces, as our foes want to see it and want to make us believe. The move of the OLF, be it tactical or strategical, using these different names is not as such contradictory, but complementary. These different structural organizations of the OLF, who ought to to have the imperative unity of purpose, is necessary for the Oromo nation to come to the kaayyoo (purpose) of bilisummaa Oromo and walabummaa Oromia. Beside the unity of purpose, some other factors, which are necessary to empower Oromian David against Abyssinian Goliath are: our commitment and dedication to sacrifice our talent, money and time for the kaayyoo; our efforts to strengthen the military wing of our movement, the OLA (Oromo Liberation Army) as the only means for the Oromo nation to get respect in the world, where survival of the fittest is the rule of the game; our possiblly smart dipilomacy to get more international support for the Oromian David against the Abyssinian Goliath; and our internal strenghth not to be influenced by the pressure from the enemy camp.
 
Last but not least, it is not only the use of unity of purpose to empower the Oromian David what is necessary, but also knowing the vice versa, i.e empowering Oromian David can lead us to the consolidation of the necessary tokkummaa for bilisummaa. That means, another way of uniting the Oromo liberation camp is just helping one of the OLF structural organizations be stronger, so that the forces in the weaker structures will be attracted towards the stronger one and this stronger OLF structure can be the core of empowering our David. So let us all Oromo nationals be ready to join one structural liberation organization, which we think can fit our belief and then let's contribute our best to the Oromo's unity of purpose through strengthening where possible the structural unity of the OLF, if not the spiritual uinty of purpose between the existing multiple structures. In this way, we can at least materalize the spiritual unity of all Oromo nationalists with the mind-set of bilisummaa, which we can take as unity of purpose. Such unity of purpoe is indispensable, if we want that at the end of the day Oromian David have victory on the Abyssinian Goliath. Only when we do create such unity of purpose, the Oromo people can boldy assert like the UNO president did: through unity of purpose, there is no limit to what we can achieve. May Rabbi/Waaqa help Oromian David be empowered through our unity of purpose (through tokkummaa for bilisummaa) and help us come out victorious over the Abyssinain Goliath.
 
Galatooma!  

Link: http://www.seifenebelbal.com/

Seife Nebelbal is a multimedia news channel which brings to you uncensored and unbiased first hand information from around the globe focusing on Oromo and Oromia. This media company was established in 1993 when the free press was sprouted once and shattered hurriedly in the Ethiopian Empire.


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